1. Redlining highly influenced segregation in Chicago. What other features may have historically influenced this demographic distribution?
The guest lecturer on Monday mentioned a number of other factors, besides redlining, that historically have influenced the demographic distribution in Chicago. Amongst these various factors were education, property values, and economic opportunity. Property values and education are intimately connected, as the guest lecturer emphasized that education funding is based on property values. Since the properties in the hazardous redlining areas tend to be of lower value, and individuals in these areas tend to have trouble getting loans, the low property value assessments in these areas means that these areas education systems get very little funding. Consequently, the children that grow up here are almost certainly more predisposed to a lower quality education, and hence have less total lifetime economic opportunity. Additionally, various studies support that the less education one has, the more they are predisposed to crime (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development). The combination of these factors, poor education, low property values, and low lifetime economic opportunity work in conjugation with redlining boundaries to help influence prolonged racial segregation in Chicago.
2. Are these specific to Chicago? Would similar patterns exist in Omaha? What data would we need to make this connection?
The aforementioned influences that help reinforce redlining based segregation are certainly not confined to Chicago alone. Education funding schemes like those utilized in Chicago are used throughout the country, including Omaha, hence the same factors that are contributing to continued segregation in Chicago, without a doubt also exist within Omaha, and almost all other American cities.
3. How might we use crime statistics in conjunction with demographic data to evaluate the cause and consequences of segregation? What additional data would you like to have to make a richer cartographic connection?
Looking at arrests in conjugation with demographic data can provide some interesting insights into the potential consequences of HOLC induced segregation. The two maps below show an interesting correlation between population in various neighborhoods, the ethnicity of those neighborhoods, where the neighborhoods are in relation to HOLC status, and the relative crime rate (only narcotic crimes visualized to help cut down on data and make it legible). In analyzing these maps it’s very obvious that narcotic arrests are more prevalent in the poorly classified, ethnic neighborhoods. This is not entirely surprising as these poorly classified, segregated neighborhoods tend to be quite poor due to their historical organs, and in general “substance abuse is more prevalent among families living in poverty” (DualDiagnosis.org). Thus, it appears that at least one consequence of HOLC backed segregation practices has been to induce more drug use, and consequently more crime. However, it should be noted, that it is entirely possible that this data is presenting false correlations due to other conflicting variables. For example, potential neighborhood specific “broken windows” policing could be responsible for making it appear that crime in one neighborhood is higher than it is in other neighborhoods, if the particular neighborhood experiences a much higher degree of police scrutiny compared to its counterparts. I think having the “stop and frisk” data set that the guest lecturer presented on Monday would be very useful for helping identify and weed out these potential confounding variables. Also, other thing to note is the fact that most crimes now appear to be taking place in neighborhoods defined as class three yellow areas by the HOLC, not the hazardous, red, class four neighborhoods. This is consistent with the guest lecturer’s assertion that the poorer populations have begun migrating away from Chicago’s interior since the time the HOLC map was produced.


4. Would the data you have available reveal whether minorities are likely to experience disproportionate surveillance? If not, what additional data would you like to obtain?
The data we have at our fingertips can provide us potential hints that certain populations receive more surveillance than others, however, without further data it is impossible to firmly assert this. Looking at the data we do have, if we took crime rates in ethnic neighborhoods, and compared them to crime rates in white neighborhoods, it may provide us with some information that could be used to argue that minority neighborhoods receive a higher degree of surveillance (i.e. more arrests per capita in minority neighborhoods). However, these conclusions certainly could be flawed, as a higher crime rate in minority areas, could have a variety of factors contributing to it, aside from simply more vigilant police. As alluded to in the above response, I think one of the most interesting and important data sets in revealing potential disproportionate surveillance levels across minorities would be the stop and frisk data set that the guest lecturer had. If we could get ahold of this and overlay it onto the maps we have produced, we could then look at how stop and frisk occurrences related to different neighborhoods, and if some neighborhoods experienced a higher per-capita rate of stop and frisk occurrences.